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Get to Know Us. English Choose a language for shopping. The University of Bologna for instance played a major role; from to , the chair of surgery was held by Berengario de Carpi, a physician and renowned anatomist. The sessions lasted over fifteen days, during which three men and six dogs were dissected. There is a very precious testimony on this subject: In addition, the notes give particulars about the physical state of the cadavers and information on ante mortem social status.
They also attest to common practices in the event of a dissection such as a cortege to accompany the body from the gallows to the hospital and at the university the traditional hierarchy between professor and assistant, here between Curtius and Vesalius , and finally reveal the budding divergence between knowledge taken from books and knowledge gained from observation of the body. These notes are an adequate summary of anatomy teaching throughout the 16th century: The power of prejudice and the existence of established interpretation grids went against the new way of reading the body.
Nevertheless one cannot but admire the energy of those who tried to confer on the practice of dissection the status of a scientific discipline. In the preface to De Humani Corporis Fabrica , dedicated to Charles V, Vesalius vehemently denounced the fact that, in traditional medical education, dissection, fundamental though it was, should be left for uneducated people to perform:.
Such people, who learnt only from practice, are very far from having kept this difficult and recondite art intact for us; what is more, that fateful separation of one of the branches in the art of healing has engendered in the faculties the detestable habit of assigning the dissection of the human body to the ones and the description of its parts to the others. The latter, from their elevated pulpit, crow like ravens and talk about things they never experimented upon, merely reciting by heart books written by others, or reading the descriptions under their eyes.
The former are so ignorant in languages that they can neither explain to the spectators the parts they have just dissected, nor adequately cut what is to be shown according to the indications of the physician, who, never having performed a dissection himself, goes on directing from afar, with a book in his hands. This is why faculty teaching is going awry, and why whole days are being wasted in fruitless discussions; in such a confused situation, the audience sees less than a butcher could show a physician in a marketplace.
Not to mention some faculties where the dissection of the human body has barely been considered! This is what centuries of the decline of ancient medicine, once glorious, have resulted in. How arrogant, some will say. It may be so, but it is the arrogance of somebody who was convinced that the scalpel is the prime tool of knowledge, insofar as it allows one to see the inside of the body. The second tool is the book, thanks to which the observations made on the dissection table can be recorded and disseminated.
The second innovation in the 16th century is the anatomy book. Naturally, anatomical observations could already be found in manuscript and printed texts intended for surgeons and practitioner physicians, who needed enough knowledge of the human body to bleed veins, to set bones, to mobilize joints, to trepanate, etc. But in the 16th century, anatomical treatises were also written in Latin, a language devoted to the teaching of the medici.
Indeed, in most universities at the time, written resources for anatomical studies were mainly works from the Middle Ages: Elles s'inspirent de trois principes: He developed interest for anatomo-pathology and published in in Basel a treatise entitled De partium corporis humani structura et usu , with superb copperplates, modelled on those found in the Fabrica and the Epitome. How was such a program reflected in reality, i. Virtual exhibition on Juan Valverde:
The observation of cadavers can be said to be on par with the attempts of some universities to make their training of medical students more concrete and more efficient; it may not be pure chance if Bologna and Padua, where several physicians authors of anatomical treatises originated, had been among the first cities to associate theoretical teaching with medical practice and anatomical knowledge.
Berengario da Carpi and Zerbi were renowned practitioners, Benedetti was a physician and surgeon of the army, Massa was responsible for public health in Venice in times of plague; they all claimed to respect the authority of the written texts, but they also deemed it necessary to experiment personally on the human body — and the results of their observation were sometimes, although with caution and moderation, opposed to Galenic dogma.
Giovanni Battista da Monte , also called Montanus, who had probably been a pupil of Pietro Pomponazzi formerly a professor of Latin and Greek, then professor of practical and theoretical medicine in Padua , created in , in the hospital of San Francesco Grande, the first clinical school; there, patients were clinically examined in their sickbeds, and clinical records were written by the students . Reading the prefaces and dedicatory letters of these books makes it clear that their authors were aware of the novelty and even more of the usefulness of their work.
Naturally, they did not consider their contribution to the history of natural philosophy as devoid of importance, as anatomical treatises allowed man to know his body better, in other words to know better the microcosmic reflection of the universe created by God — or the ephemereal dwelling of the immortal soul  , in an interpretation both medical and religious of the famous ancient phrase nosce teipsum know yourself.
But the main reason for these authors to feel proud was their contribution to the rebirth of a forgotten discipline: In this respect, anatomy books were most precious for passing on knowledge; for those unable to attend the lessons, the book was, according to Vesalius, equivalent to, or substitutive of, the anatomy lesson:. They also provide one with technical information on how to dissect a dead or live body, and they finally contain, inserted in the text, images of all the parts of the body, so that these images offer an equivalent to the dissected body for those who study the works of Nature.
But what was actually the case? How was such a program reflected in reality, i. Although there are a number of differences in the terms used by the various authors, most of these are due to the fact that they wavered between the use of Greek and that of Latin; Benedetti and Massa for instance essentially chose to use Greek names, giving a priority to the language and the vocabulary Galen used; others, like Vesalius, stood up for the Latin world, and went back to the classic language of Cicero and Celsus, without abandoning the use of Greek terminology altogether.
Thus, in the Epitome and in the Fabrica , Greek translations of Latin names appear in the margins, occasionally along with their equivalents in popular Latin, in Arabic, or in Hebrew. This procedure had been established by Mondino dei Luzzi whose treatise Anothomia had been printed in Padua as early as and had become standard in university teaching  ; for each part of the body, Mondino started at the surface and successively examined the following strata: These norms directed the anatomist to dissect from the skin towards the inner body and to make a series of observations on the characteristics of each of the observed parts: Mondino had introduced three new categories: Most of the anatomical treatises in the 17th century followed these rules when presenting the body: Variations in this order are few, ill-justified as far as method is concerned, and usually inspired by philosophical motivations rather than by anatomical necessities.
This balance between knowledge transmitted by books and personal experience was quite fragile, but what it brought to the field of anatomical knowledge is far from being negligible; it would be most interesting to translate and study all these texts, which are still very little known in France .
It may not be pure chance if two of the greatests anatomists in the 16th century, Vesalius and Charles Estienne, almost simultaneously reflected on how to present their observations in an order different from that of the dissection, while still referring, at least in form, to the method advocated by the Prince of anatomy. It is under the authority both of Galen and of his own practice as a surgeon that Charles Estienne, in his treatise De dissectione partium corporis humani libri tres  , justified the importance of the bones as the substructure of the body, thus inverting the canonical order of dissection, in which bones appear last.
As for Vesalius, he claimed to follow the precepts of book I of the treatise De anatomicis administrationibus to justify the order in the seven books of the Fabrica , the first of which is devoted to the description of the bones in the human body . But he also defined a new way of working and ushered in a new, architectural conception of the body, corresponding to a re-construction or a creation of the body.
Just as the artist creates a body on a canvas or in marble, the anatomist composes a body with words and images….
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The 16th century therefore is the time when, with Vesalius in particular, a scientific method started to be adopted in anatomy. But Vesalius asked a scientific question: Of course, Vesalius did not invent it all, and the history of anatomy was only just starting in the 16th century. Here is a list of the major 16th century anatomists and their work. He is the first author to have tried using a unified Greek nomenclature. He also was one of the first anatomists to advocate personal experience as opposed to knowledge gained through books.